K 



E 681 
.587 
Copy 1 



REVIEW OF LEGISLATION OF SESSION. 



SPEECH 



HON. JOSEPH 0. STONE, 

OF IOWA, 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 



JUNE 4, 1878, 



^^V OF -w..^,j^ 



WASHINGTON. 
1878. 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON. JOSEPH C. STOXE. 



On the state of tlie Union. 



Mr. STONE, of Iowa. Mr. Speaker, it has hitherto appeared to me 
that I could best serve the interests of my coustitneuts by closely 
■watching the course of business in this House, by aiding in shaping 
legislation by my votes, and by diligent attention to the committee- 
work assigned to me, rather than by occupying in speech-making 
the time required for the transaction of jiublic business. Now, how- 
ever, that the session is drawing to a close, I feel it to be my duty 
to give expression to my views upon some of the topics which have 
engaged the attention of this Congress and to review, to some extent, 
the history of its action thus far, with special reference to inquiring 
how well the democratic majority of this House has discharged the 
duties imposed upon it by the condition of the country. 

And in the first place, sir, permit me to call attention to the fact 
that Congress was convened here, in extra session, in October, in 
advance of the regular time for meeting iu consequence of the failure 
of the democratic House of the Forty-fourth Congress to pass the 
Army bill, caused by the factious and unpatriotic course of the ma- 
jority of that House in endeavoring to fasten upon that bill uncon- 
stitutional restrictions upon the power of the Executive. Such, how- 
ever, was the distressed condition of the country at the time the pres- 
ent Congress assembled that its coming together might have resulted 
in great good had the majority iu this Hall possessed such wisdom 
and statesmanship as was demanded by the critical condition of our 
national affairs. The people looked to that extra session for relief, 
but they were destined to be grievously disappointed, the democratic 
majority which controlled the course of legislation having proved un- 
equal to the emergency. 

Before that extra session commenced business had begun to show 
many encouraging signs of revival, but as soon as it became manifest 
that the majority of this House were devoted to the promotion of 
the interests of the democratic party rather than those of the whole 
people, reviving contidence vanished and the public distress became 
more wide-spread than ever. The extra session ended without hav- 
ing passed any measures for the relief of the nation. It made a great 
deal of fuss, but did little real work. This failure had a discourag- 
ing effect upon the country, for it left the people without any conti- 
denco in the democratic leaders of this House to devise any such 
enlightened and statesman-like legislation as the extraordinary con- 
dition and circumstances of the country required. 

Thus the first chapter in the history of this democratic House is 
made up of a record of its inability to comprehend the real uecessi- 



ties of the people, ami of it8 failures to devise any effective remedies 
for the suHeriiig industrial and commercial intei'ests of the nation. 
So far as national legislation is concerned, the democratic party is 
mainly responsible for the present condition of the country, for the 
lower branch of Congress can and always does exert a more potent 
influence for good or evil upon the public prosperity than any depart- 
ment of the Government. 

The reputation for incapacity to comprehend the needs of the 
country and to devise measures for the relief of its distress which 
was gained by the democratic majority at the extra session has ad- 
hered to it at the present session. With such an opportunity for the dis- 
play of legislative wisdom as has rarely been possessed by an American 
Congress, the gentlemen on the other side of this Hall have utterly 
failed to meet the just expectations of the people. The energies 
which should have been devoted to the legislation demanded by the 
business interests of the country have been expended in investigat- 
ing the delinquencies of a democratic Doorkeeper, in unjustly unseat- 
ing republican members in contested-election cases, in the fruitless 
but expensive investigations of the Glover committees, and finally 
in devising and carrying into effect a scheme to plunge the country 
into revolution by opening up the question of the presidential title. 

The truth of the matter is that the democratic majority, both in 
this House and the last, regarded its ascendency as nothing more than 
an opportunity for promoting partisan ends. Their record is conse- 
quently full of blunders and failures, and has finally been rendered 
infamous by wicked preparations for a revolution which threatens to 
lower our country to the level of Mexico, I defy gentlemen on the 
other side of this Hall to point to any great, comprehensive, states- 
man-like measure, such as the times have demanded during their 
ascendency, which they liave either presented to the country or en- 
acted into law. I therefore feel it to be my duty to arraign the demo- 
cratic party before the nation for its shortcomings and evil deeds, not 
doubting as to what the verdict of an indignant people will be. 

Mr. Speaker, I now propose to examine with some degree of care a 
few of the political topics which have recently engaged public atten- 
tion, and in so doing I shall incidentally still further expose the de- 
linquencies of the majority which controls the business of this House* 
The leading quistion which met us when we assembled here was the 
financial one. Although it was the duty of our adversaries, as a great 
political party, to present the country with a distinct, well defined 
policy on this subject, it utterly failed to do so. The prominent lead- 
ers on the democratic side of this House notoriously held the most 
discordant views upon this subject. Hence the singtilar spectacle 
was presented of a party nominally ]>ossessing a majority in this 
House and yet so weak and demoralized that it could not devise any 
financial scheme which could command anything like unanimous 
party support. This division of sentiment by no means relieves the 
democrats from the responsibility of having failed as a party to af- 
ford the financial relief demanded by tin? necessities of the country. 
So far as any of the practical measures of this sort which have been 
adopted are concerned, the democratic party is not entitled to the 
credit of them. Thus, for examj)le, one of the most ini]i07tant meas- 
ures passed by this Congress in relation to the finances was the bill 
for the remonetization of silver. Whatever merits this law may 
possess, it is not one for which the democratic party can claim any 
credit, for it was repeatedly declared, both in this House and in the 
Senate, not to be a party measure. 



I supported this measure for reasons wliich I considered sustained by 
sound principles of political economy, and I have as yet seen no reason 
to regret my vote. While the remonetization of silver has not pro- 
duced all the good eifects which its advocates predicted, it has, on the 
other hand agreeably surprised its opponents by causing none of the 
evil effects which they feared. The circumstances under which silver 
was demonetized, were, to say the least, so peculiar that it was but a 
simple act of justice to restore the silver dollar to its old status. Now 
that it has been done, it will aid in rendering resumption practicable 
and will at the same time form a desirable addition to the volume of 
our national currency. 

An irredeemable currency is one of the worst evils which can afflict 
a country, as has been amply proven by the history of France, Aus- 
tria and other European nations, as well as by that of our own country 
in colonial times. Profiting by the lessons of history and guided by 
sound financial principles, the republican party early adopted a policy 
in the administration of our national finances 'which was intended to 
bring about the resumption of specie payments at the earliest prac- 
ticable period. The legislation upon this subject culminated in the 
law which fixed the 1st of January, 1879, as the date for resump- 
tion. This policy has not been carried out without violent opposition, 
but is now nearly successfully accomplished, and the nation has just 
reason to thank the leaders of the republican party for the firmness 
and moral courage which they manifested in devising that policy 
and in appealing to the intelligence and patriotism of the people to 
stand by them. The measure was not one which appealed to popular 
favor, but was one of hard necessity. It required the people to make 
great immediate sacrifices for the sake of distant advantages, and it 
is greatly to the credit of the American people that they bravely sus- 
tained the republican party, and voluntarily submitted to the oper- 
ation of the severe measures necessary for restoring the currency of 
the nation to a sound basis. 

The difficulty of carrying out the policy of resumption was greatly 
increased by the financial distress which was produced by the panic 
of 1873. It has been quite usual to attribute that event to the policy 
of contraction ; but the tables which I will now read, compiled from 
official sources, indicate very clearly that that disaster must have 
been brought about by other causes, in part at least, than by contrac- 
tion : 

A table showing the amonnts of currotcii outstanding at the several dates 

specijicd. 



Date. 


Currency. 


Ajnount. 


August 31, 1865 


National-bank bills 


1176, 213, 955 
459, 505, 311 




Legal-tender notes 




Total 




635, 719, 266 




National-bank bills 


January 1, 1866 


1-298, 588, 419 
450 231 809 




Legal-tender notes 




Total 






750, 820, 228 




National-bank bills 

Legal-tender notes 


January 1, 1867 


.5299, 846, 206 
409 230 654 




Total 






709 070 860 









6 



A iahlc slionhifi 


fhe amounts of curreneij outstavfiivfi, cfc. — 


Continued. 


Date. 


Currency. 


Amount. 


January 1, 18fi8 




$299, 747, 569 




387, 756, 710 




Total 






687, 504, 279 








January 1, 1869 


§299, G29, 322 




390, 236, 788 




Total 






689, 866, 110 








January 1, 1870 


I-J99, 904, 029 




395, 875, 762 




Total 




Januarj' 1, 1871 


695. 779, 791 
S306, 307, r.72 




396, 096, 175 




Total 


702, 403, 847 


Januaiy 1, 187-2 


1328, 465, 431 




398, 360, 673 




Total 






726, 826, 109 








January 1, 1873 


§344, 582, 812 


Legal- tender notes 

Total 


404, 364, 355 




748, 947, 167 


January 1, 1874 




1350, 648, 236 




427, 026, 131 




Total 






777, 874, 367 




1354, 128, 250 






428,462,915 




Total . 






782, 591, 163 








January 1, 1670 


§346, 479, 7.56 




416, 043, 934 




Total 






762, 523, 690 








January 1, 1877 


$317,324,069 




375, 765, 296 




Total 






693, 089, 365 









. The panic occurred in September, 1873. Tbat it was not caused by 
contraction will appear from the following comparative statements, 
namely : 

Total cnrroncy outstanding January 1, 1873 ?748, 947, 167 

Total currency outstanding January 1, 1868 687, 504, 279 

Showing an inflation in 1S73 as compared with 1868 of 61, 442, 888 

Total currency outstanding January 1, 1873 748,947,167 

Total currency outstanding January 1, 1869 689,866, 110 

Showing an inflation in 1873 as compared with 1869 of 59, 081, 0.17 

It would occupy too much time to go into a full examination of all 



the causes which produced the crisis of 1873, The chief agency in 
bringing about the condition of affairs which occasioned that event 
were overjiroduction and undue expansion of the credit system. I do 
not, however, propose to go into details on this subject, and I there- 
fore rest content with citing the figures contained in the foregoing 
statement which prove that the gi-eat calamity which overtook the 
country in 1873 cannot properly be attributed to the policy of con- 
traction advocated by the republican party. 

In this connection, sir, I desire to call attention to the fact that the 
financial policy of the republican party has been wise, uniform, con- 
sistent, and successful. On the contrary, the democrats, after having 
denounced greenbacks as unconstitutional and worthless, subse- 
quently veered around and became zealous advocates of them as the 
best currency in the world, and demanded an unlimited issue of them. 
In former times one of the distinctive doctrines of the democratic 
party was that coin, or money redeemable in it, ought to be the exclu- 
sive currency of the country ; yet this fact has not stood in the way 
of their opposing the resumption policy of the republican party, a 
policy which is in strict accord with the financial views of the fathers 
of the Republic as embodied in the Constitution. While I thus favor 
the republican policy of resumption, I am by no means disposed to 
underestimate the services which the greenbacks have rendered to 
the nation. As a war measure the issuing of them was of incalcula- 
ble service. 

No patriot can avoid feeling attached to the currency which paid 
the Union armies and furnished them with supplies. I cannot, how- 
ever, forget that although the democrats now pretend to be great 
friends of this sort of currency, they bitterly opposed and denounced 
it in the dark hours of the country's need when it was of the most 
service in preventing the success of the rebellion. I must confess 
that so far as I am concerned I am deeply attached to the currency 
which whipped the rebels and their democratic allies, and on account 
of these services I would be quite willing to retain it as a permanent 
currency of the nation, provided I could be convinced that it would 
be consistent with sound principles of political economy to do so. 

In my opinion, however, all abstract theories upon this subject are 
rendered useless by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United 
States which holds that the issue of legal-tender notes was only law- 
ful as a war measure. The histoiy of the greenback legislation shows 
that it was the intention of the authors of that system of finance to 
return to specie payments as soon as the condition of the country 
would permit. They acted upon the theory that coin, or paper cur- 
rency convertible into it, was the only money recognized by the Con- 
stitution. 

As I remarked a while ago, the democratic party has utterly failed 
to present to the country any satisfactory financial policy. Although 
my party is in the minority in this House it is entitled to the credit 
of having originated all the wise and practical legislation upon this 
subject which has been brought forward at this session. The chief 
of these wise measures was the bill introduced by the gentleman 
from the eighth district of Illinois, [Mr. Fort,] which is now a law 
which prohibits the retirement of any of the greenbacks which were 
in circulation at the date of its passage. The author of this law is 
a rejiublican, and its principles are in strict accord with the doctrine 
laid down by the Secretary of the Treasury in 1877 in his Mansfield 
speech and reiterated in his annual rei)ort in the following terms : 

The Secretary is of the opiuiou that undor this section (;5579 Revised Statutes of 



tbe United States) notes when redeemed after January 1, 1879, if the amount out- 
8t<anding is not in excess of §300,000,000, may be reissued as the exigencies of the 
public service may require. A note redeemed with coin is in the Treasury and 
subject to the same law as if received for taxes, or as a bank-note when redeemed 
by the corporation issuing it. The authority to reissue it does not depend upon 
the mode in which it is returned to the Treasury, but this construction is contro- 
verted and should be settled bj- distinct pro\-isions of law. It should not be open 
to doubt or dispute. The decision of this question by Congress involves not merely 
the construction of existing laws, but the public policy or maintaining in circula- 
tion United States notes either with or without the legal-tender clause. These are 
of great public convenience; they circulate reailily ; are of imiver.sal credit ; are 
a debt of the people without interest, are protected by every possible safeguard 
against counterfeiting, and when redeemable in coin at the demand of the lu)lder, 
form a paper currency as good as has yet been devised. It is conceded that a cer- 
tain amount can with the aid of an ample reserve in coin, be always maintained in 
circulation. Should not the benefit of this circulation inure to tile people rather 
than to ooiporations, either State or national?— Annttai report of the Secretary of 
the Treasury, page IG. 

Thus, in spite of the blundering and incapacity of the democratic 
majority of this House, our national financial system has been ad- 
justed in a very comprehensive and satisfactory manner upon repub- 
lican principles. The passage of the Fort bill,'it is to be hoped, will 
init an end to the disposition to tinker with the currency, which for 
so many years has exerted such a mischievous influence upon busi- 
ness. Taken in connection with laws already upon the statute-book, 
it will not only render resumption practicable, but will give the 
country a currency capable of being expanded so as to meet the ut- 
most demands of trade. To sustain the truth of this assertion I beg 
leave to cite the figures contained in the following tables. The first 
table shows the amount of currency possessed by the country on the 
1st of June, 1«78, as compared with the highest amount in circula- 
tion prior to January 1, 1S73. 

The following shows the amount of currency in the country on the 
1st of June, \fi7fi, namely : 

Ohl demand notes and legal- tender notes 3346,743, 313 50 

Coin iu the Treasury 18!t' 708 0'.il 10 

Kaiioual-bauk bills." '.'.".'.'.'."'.'. 303,988,085 00 

Total 800,439,419 60 

Amountof cunency January 1, 1866 750, 820, a-^S 00 

Difference 109,619,191 60 

This statement shows that we have now $109,019,191.60 more cur- 
rency than on the l.st of January, 1806, with a purchasing power 
fully one-tliird greater. This statement does not include the coin held 
by banks on the 1st of June, 1878. 

The following shows the i)robable amimnt of currency -svhich the 
country will possess on the 1st of January, 1879: 

United States Treasury notes $340,000,000 

>Mt.oMalb:ink notes. 3-25, OOM, 000 

Gobi iiith.' li-easury 180,000,000 

fMlver in tbe Ireasnry 25 qqq qqq 

Coin in banks and conn try ] 120 000 000 

Total 990,000,000 

Thus, as a consequence of the financial policy of the republican 
party, not only do we po.s.se.ss a greater volume of" currency than ever 
before .since the war, but it is also a more valuable one, i)eiiig prac- 
tically convertible info coin and eai)al)leof being expanded from two 
sources, namely, by the steady increase in the amount of gold and 
silver coined, and l)y the expansion of the national-bank currency 
under the free-banking system as may be demanded by the necessi- 
ties of trade. 



9 

The volume of the uational-baiik currency being left to the opera- 
tion of the laws of supply and demand, instead of being lixed by arti- 
ficial regulations, can be expanded and contracted from time to time 
as the exigencies of commerce may require, and ^ill thus become a 
sort of safety-valve for the business of the country whereby the effects 
of monetary revulsitms may be mitigated if not entirely prevented. 
Thus have the consistency of the republican party and the wisdom of 
its resumption policy been completely vindicated. Instead of being 
driven about by every wind of doctrine, our party in the beginning 
adopted the triie policy, and having adhered to it through good and 
through evil report has now the satisfaction of witnessing its ulti- 
mate and complete triumph. The result has been a grand victory for 
true statesmanship overtime-serving expediency of which the repub- 
lican party has just reason to be proud. 

SAVINGS BANKS. 

Closely allied to the financial question is the proposition to establish 
in this country postal savings-banks. Early in the session I intro- 
duced a bill for this purpose. I was induced to do so by the fact that 
I thought it was expedient for the Government to provide the ]al)or- 
ing-men of the country with facilities for so depositing their sur- 
plus earnings that they would be absolutely safe and draw a reason- 
able rate of interest. I consider this measure the more important on 
account of the numerous failures which have recently occurred among 
the savings-banks organized under State laws, whereby the hard- 
earned savings of workingmen and the funds of widows and orphans 
have been irretrievably lost to them. I moreover regard savings- 
banks as an invaluable instrumentality for promoting the common 
interest, national thrift, and prosperity on account of their influence 
in encouraging habits of economy and frugality among the people. 
Depositors in saving-banks, as a class, are virtuou,s, industrious, and 
law-abiding citizens. 

Another important argument in favor of postal savings-banks is 
that through them a considerable portion of the public debt might 
be funded at a low rate of interest in the hands of the people. We 
have never had a real popular loan in this country, because the se- 
curities hitherto placed on the market have been oifered under such 
conditions that people of very small means could not inv^est in them. 
Postal savings-banks, properly regulated, would bring these securities 
within the reach of persons of the very humblest means and in the 
most remote parts of the country. Bonds offered through national 
banks cannot be placed within the reach of the mass of the people. 
They are moreover of too high denominations for large classes of 
persons who need facilities for investing the small sums saved from 
their weekly or monthly earnings, or the gains of tlie garden, the 
farm, or the workshop, as received from time to time. The postal 
savings-banks would be ready at all times to receive deposits, no 
matter how small, under regulations easily understood by all. 

Unfortunately the statistics relating to this subject are quite im- 
perfect. The latest report of the Secretary of the Treasury shows 
the amount of the deposits in these institutions to be $843,154,804. 
The aggregate of the deposits in savings-banks, State banks, and 
trust companies as reported by the Comptroller of tbp CnrI•cll'■^- 

is $1,346,016,813 

Or, allowing for imperfect returns, say i,;)Uu, uuu, uuu 

The debt statement for June 1, 1878, siiows that the boiuled in- 
debtedness of the United States on that day was as follows, namely: 

Bonds at 6 per cent .^. |738, fil!», 000 

Bouda at 5 por cout 703, 2G(j, CiO 



10 

Bonds at 4J per cent $235, 000, 000- 

Bonds at 4 pw cent 91, 850,000 

Total 1,768,735,650 

Tlicre is but litWe question but that the whole of this indebted- 
ness might be hehl by our own people. There would certainly be no 
trouble, by means of savings-banks and otlier suitable arrangements 
for a popular loan, in refunding the »i per cent, and the 5 per cent, 
bonds at, say, 4 per cent., thus eliecting an annual saving in interest 
as follows : 

Ss^ving in interest on 6 per cent, bonds §14, 772, 330 00 

Saving in interest on 5 per cent, bonds 7, 032, (iGG 50 

Total saving 21,815,046 .50 

These figures are conclusive as to the amount of saving which the 
Government might make by adopting the policy of establishing pos- 
tal savings-banks. The experience of Englaiul,'which has tried these 
institutions, ))rovcs that they are practicable. Although the British 
government limits tlie amounts wbich these banks are allou'ed to 
receive from depositors to very small sums, these institutions there 
being intended only for the benefit of very poor i>eople, the aggregate 
deposits nevertheless amounted to more than .§3.50,000,000 in 1876, a 
wonderful result when we consider the small sums of which it was 
made up. 

Another important consideration in favor of funding a large por- 
tion of our national debt among our own people is that thereby the 
interest on that portion of the debt would be kept at home instead of 
being sent abroad. The statistics of the wealth of the country show 
that at least $1,-500,000,000 of the public debt might readily be placed 
in the hands of our own people by a judiciously managed popular 
loan. Such a course would stop the drain of gold from the country 
to pay interest, and to that extent strengthen our entire tinancial 
system by keeping at home a large portion of the $84,000,000 which 
our mines annually produce. 

This policy would relieve us from dependence upon foreign coun- 
tries, a most desirable consummation, inasmuch as the debtor is always 
to a certain extent dependent upon the creditor. It would render tho 
creditor class in our country numerous and equalize the distribution 
of wealth, and thereby render overgrown fortunes less common. The 
fact that the national debt of France is held by her own ])eople is the 
real secret of the success of her iinanciftl system. In 1H()7 the debt 
of France was lield by 1,005,6^3 persons, and it is now estimated liy 
good authorities at more than double that number. The public debt 
of that country is §4,695,600,000, or more than double ours. She has 
a less population than the United States, and her smaller territory 
has been recently devastated both by a foreign invasion and a do- 
mestic insurrecti(tn ; and yet her linaiices have nourished through it 
all. The ability of France to pay the va,st sum of ,sl, 000,000,000 as a 
war indemnity to Germany and at the same time preserve tlu' credit 
of the nation and keej) her finances in a sound condition can only be 
accounted for by the fact that she owes her debt to her own people. 

Our country lujs never yet experienced the full advantages of a 
pojiular loan. The jmstal savings-bank system affords the means of 
HO doing, and at the same time of furnishing the ])eople with much- 
needed facilities for investing their suriilus earnings. In this con- 
Dtctiou permit me to remark that in my opinion one of the chief 
benefits of these instituti<ms would be that they would give the mass 



11 

of the people an interest in the stability of the Government and 
cause them to take an increased interest in the economical adminis- 
tration of its affairs. It would establish the pnblic credit upon the 
hrmest possible basis, for who would dare even to hint at the repudi- 
ation of a debt held by the great mass of the people '! 

INTERSTATE COMMERCE. 

Interstate commerce is another topic to which I wish to direct the 
attention of the House for a few moments. One of the leading con- 
siderations which induced our forefathers to form the American 
Union was the desire to free the commerce of this continent from 
the harassing restrictions of local authorities. In order that this 
object might be accomplished the Constitution gave Congress the 
express power to regulate commerce among the several States. No 
grant of power contained in that instrument is more liberal and un- 
restrained than this one ; yet the National Legislature has been very 
slow in enacting laws to' carry its provisions into practical effect. 
It has hitherto confined the exercise of its power almost entirely to 
the regulation of commerce on the rivers and lakes. The wonderful 
development of railroad interests which has taken place within the 
last twenty-five years has given rise to a condition of affairs which 
calls for the exercise by Congress of the constitutional power which 
it possesses to regulate commerce among the several States. There 
are now in existence four trunk lines, namely, the New York Cen- 
tral, the Erie, the Pensylvania Central, and the Baltimore and Ohio, 
all extending from the Atlantic coast to the Mississippi River or 

beyond. , . , ^i j 

it would be difficult to exaggerate the influence which these and 
other great corporations like them possess. They are grand monop- 
olies and are almost omnipotent so far as the State authorities are 
concerned. The local governments are utterly unable to cope with 
them, and they are therefore able with impunity to levy burdensome 
and oppressive exactions upon the interstate commerce of the land. 
The States being unable to relieve the people from these burdens, it 
is certainly very proper that Congress should exercise the power to 
regulate the interstate railroads which it undoubtedly possesses. 
Both the agricultural and the commercial interests of the country 
are oppressed by these tyrannical monopolies. The remedy for 
these evils is simple. Congress should prohibit under severe penal- 
ties combinations and discriminations against the general public and 
in behalf of favored individuals, corrupt rings, and transportation 
companies. All shippers should be put upon an equality as to price, 
privileges, and conveniences. Rates for freight should be uniform, 
and no drawbacks or rebates should be permitted under severe pen- 
alties. The gross amount of charges is now generally greater for a 
shorter than for a longer distance on the same line of transportation. 
This should not 1)e allowed, nor should companies be permitted to 
charge higher rates for interstate than for State freight. 

Monopolies and perpetuities are repugnant to the genius of onr in- 
stitutions. Yet these railroad corporations, created by law, assume 
to be greater than their creators, and not only dictate terms to States, 
but even threaten to defy the control of the nation itself. No time 
should be lost by Congress in regard to this matter, but such prompt 
and decisive action should be taken against them as would teach 
them that they are not superior to the people, but are subject to the 
control of their representatives in Congress assembled, notwithstand- 
ing the fact that they have successluUy defied the mastery of all 



12 

other authorities. Hitherto the legislation both of the States and of 
the nation has been almost wholly in the interests of these great rail- 
road cori)oration8. Unless this j)olicy is soon reversed, their power 
will become almost irresistible, and the people will be left without 
any remedy except revolution, that last resort of the oppressed. 

From all parts of the land cries have been coming up to this capi- 
tal for relief from the exactions of these railroad monopolies. They 
levy taxes not only upon the western farmer, but upon the consumer 
in the East, so that all sections are alike interested in obtaining legis- 
lation for the remedy of the evil — a remedy which is comparatively 
lilain and simple. The interstate railroads, being carriers for hire, 
are in a business which affects the public interests and are therefore 
subject to regulation by law. The subject being thus one over which 
the Constitution expressly gives the General Government control, it 
is only necessary for Congress to enforce the well-established prin- 
ciples of the law regulating common carriers as recognized in Eng- 
land and America in order to afford the people all the relief they need 
from the ruinous exactions which now oppress them. 

If aijy further arguments are needed in favor of the doctrine that 
Congress should regulate interstate commerce, an unanswerable one 
may be found in the official reports of the Treasury Department which 
show^ the immense aggi-egate amount of that business. On this point 
I wish to read an extract from the last report of Hon. Joseph Nimmo, 
Chief of the Bureau of Internal Commerce; the figures tell their 
own story : 

Statement shoiciug the relative importance of the internal and foreign com- 
merce of the United States. 

Estimated value of shipping (American and foreij^n) employed in 

our f oreipi trade ' $200. 000, 000 

E.stiniated value of the railroads of the Uuited States 4,000,000,000 

The value of tl)e commodities embraced in our foreioi commerce, 
and the estimated values of commodities tiauspoi-teiTon raili'oads, 
are as follows : 

Value of exports and imports (foreign commerce) 1, 121,634,277 

Estimated value of commodities transported on rail (internal com- 
merce) 18,000,000,000 

SUBSmiES TO UAU-IIOADS. 

Closely allied to this topic of interstate commerce is that of Gov- 
ernment subsidies to railroads. I do not hesitate to say, sir, that I 
am opposed to the reckless system whitii lias iiitherto been pursued 
in regard to this subject. Even granting that tiie policy is abstractly 
right the greater portion ol the legislation of Congress in regard to 
it has been careless, wasteful, and extravagant. I find, sir, from an 
examination of the oflicinl records of the Government that tlie aggre- 
gate of the lands thus far granted in aid of railroads is i;iH>,()t)3,'J04 
acres. It has been estimated that these lands, if embraced in one 
body, would form a territorial area larger than Texas, or nearly live 
times as large as the State of New York. 

Indeed there arc single comi»anie8 which own a larger extent of ter- 
ritory than that possessed by many of the most cons])i(uous and pow- 
erful states wiiioli have jihiyed a great i)art in the iiistory of the world. 
If we consider tiie im](cnal domains of some of these railroad com- 
panies it will not seem strange to ns that tiiey siiould take ujjon them- 
selves sucli lianghty airs, and treat the individual States of tiiis Union 
as their vassals. I am unwilling, sir, by my vote to increase tlie 
number of the.se dictatorial and dangerous cori)orations, or the iu- 
lluence of those now in existence. I am well aware of the fact that 



13 

the railroads already built have vastly increased the commercial facil- 
ities of the nation, and that under this policy the Pacific shores of 
our Republic have been bound to the East by iron bauds and by the 
benigu influences of rapid mercantile intercourse, but I cannot shut 
my eyes to the evils which the system as an entirety has inflicted 
upon the country. 

In particular when I consider this subject with reference to the aid 
asked at our hands for the Southern Pacitic Railroad, I am unable to 
find any sufificient reasons for supporting that measure. We already 
possess ami)le facilities for the present amount of our commerce with 
the Pacific coast. The benefits of the success of the scheme to build 
that road by Government aid would inure to the advantage of a cor- 
poration rather than of the whole country. So far as the interests of 
the eighteen millions of people who live in the Mississippi Valley and of 
the nation at large are concerned they would in my opinion be much 
more eftectually promoted by improving the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi River and restoring the city of New Orleans to its former 
importance as a center of trade. I hold, sir, that the interests of the 
people will best be promoted by multiplying the number of our com- 
mercial centers, and particularly by availing ourselves to the utmost 
of the lakes and great water-courses of our coiintry as channels for 
our commerce and as the natural competitors of the great trunk lines 
of railroad. In this connection allow me to read an extract from a 
recent article in the Cincinnati Commercial, which sets forth very 
clearly the cheapness of water transportation, a subject of great im- 
portance to the people of the Mississippi Valley. The Commercial 
says: 

The tow-boat Josh Williams is on her way to New Orleans with a tow of thirty 
two barges containing over six hundred thousand bushels of coal, exclusive of her 
own fuel, being tlie largest tow ever taken to Xew Orleans or anywhere else in the 
world. Her freight biU, at three cents per Itushel, amounts to §18,000. It would 
take eighteen hundred cars, of three hundred and thirty-three bushels to the car, 
which is an overload for a car, to transport this amount of coal. At SIO per ton or 
$100 per car, which would be a fair price for the distance by rail, the fi-eight bill 
would amount to §160,000 or .$102,000 more by rail than by river. 

The tow will be taken from Pittsburgh to New Orleans in fourteen or fifteen 
days. It would re(iuire one hundred trains of eighteen cars to the train to trans- 
port this one tow of six hundred thousand bushels of coal, and eveu if it made the 
usual speed of fast freight lines it would take one whole summer to put it through 
by rail. This statement shows the wonderful superiority of the river over rail 
facilities. 

In view of these facts I therefore feel that it is much more impor- 
tant, so far as the interests of not only the Mississippi Valley but of 
the entire nation are concerned, tbat the treasures of the National 
Government should be expended in improving the facilities for cheap 
water transportation rather than that they should be wasted upon 
enterprises like the Southern Pacific Railroad, which, to say the least, 
are of doubtful present utility. Before I can favor any schemes of 
that character I would first like to see the railroads already chartered 
show a greater disposition to respect the rights of the Government 
and the people than they are now doing. In this connection I may 
remark that inasmuch as the development of our internal commerce 
is largely dependent upon that with foreign countries, I am in favor 
of encouraging the latter by all such legislation as may be con.sistent 
■with sound public policy. Special ett'orts should be made to increase 
our trade with Brazil and other South American states. It naturally 
belongs to us and could be made mutually advantageous to us and 
to them. 

THE LAHOR QfESTlON. 

Mr. Speaker, I feel that my review of the present political situa- 



14 

tion would be very imperfect if I should omit to discuss the labor 
question, which is now considered in every civilized country on the 
globe a question of supreme importance. Labor, sir, is the law of 
the universe, and I hold that its protection should be the great ob- 
ject of government. The state which fails to protect this great source 
of its prosperity comes short of fulfilling the purpose for which gov- 
ernments are instituted. Although labor is the basis of society, it 
has in all ages been greatly oppressed, and it may truly be said that 
civilization has advanced just iu proportion as labor has been eman- 
cipated. The republican party, by the abolition of slavery, did more 
to vindicate the rights and dignity of labor than any other event 
since the overthrow of the feudal system in Europe. Our party 
has just reason for being proud of its record ou this subject, whire 
on the other hand the democratic party can never free itself from the 
opprobrium of having upheld slavery until the very last. And to-day, 
if you find a mau who has no faith iu popular government and who 
believes that slavery ought never to have been abolished, you will 
be sure to find that man voting the democratic ticket. 

The history of labor iu antiquity and in the middle ages is but a 
history of the servitude of the great mass of the industrial classes. 
As a matter of coui-se very erroneous views prevailed in those times 
as to worth of labor and to rights of the laborer. It is to the preva- 
lence of wrong ideas upon this subject that the ruin of many states, 
both in ancient and modern days, may be traced. Wealth and lux- 
uries accuumlated by unrequited labor bring a curse with them which 
will always ultimately ruin both individuals and commonwealths. 
There is no more impressive lesson taught by all past history than 
that the i)ro82)erity of nations depends u])on just laws for the protec- 
tion of labor. To this cause as nmch as to any other our country owes 
the wonderful prosperity which it has enjoyed. Indeed, in the com- 
paratively simple and plain condition of society which existed here 
for a long time, the rewards of labor, iu the North at least, were so 
certain and so ample that the labor question attracted but little at- 
tention. Now, unfortunately, aditterentstate of thingsexists, brought 
about by numy causes, but chietiy by tiie enormous fortunes made by 
unjust means during the war, and by the growth of powerful rail- 
road corporations and other monopolies, wiicreby a few meu have 
been enabled to acquire enormous fortunes at the expense of the 
many. Unwise legislation not sanctioned by sound principles of 
political economy also had its share in placing unjust burdens ou the 
laborer. 

During the last year the country witnessed with consternation out- 
breaks of violence among the workingnien, which seemed to threaten 
the very existence of society itself. That violence was but the out- 
ward symptom of a deeply diseased condition of the body-politic, and 
it therefore becomes us as physicians called upon to cure the ills of 
state to make ourselves thoroughly acquainted with both the causes 
and the character of the malady we are to treat. Thecausesof the dis- 
ease are numerous atld somewhat complicated. It would reijuire more 
time than I have to-day to define and trace them all, and I there- 
fore only enumerate in addition to those I specified a nu)ment ago, 
and .IS some of the most patent, the organized schemes of robbery by 
wliicli through watered stock, wrecked insurance companies, and 
other dishonest devices enonuous fortunes have been acquired. The 
dangers of communism, anil all other forms of social disonler, can 
best be reuH)ved by just and eipial laws and such legislation as will 
encourage pnuluctiou ajul protect the laborer. 



15 

The commercial questious in wliicli the laborer is most interested are, 
perhaps, the currency, cheap transportation, and the taritf. Thanks 
to the triumph of republican policy, the laborer is now paid in money 
at about par with gold, and of course with a purchasing power cor- 
respondingly increased, cheap transportation can best be secured, 
national control of insterstate commerce, and liberal appropriations 
for the improvement of the harbors and navigable waters of the coun- 
try, and by wisely fostering our foreign trade. The tariff, both as a 
system of taxation and as a method for the protection of American 
industry, affects the interests of laborers in many ways, both directly 
and indirectly. 

Under the protective system which has been maintained for many 
years by the jiolicy of the republican party numerous branches of 
American manufactures have been so well fostered that we are now 
able not only to supply the wants of our own country but to cora- 
jiete in many foreign markets with other nations with the products 
of our factories. We are constantly deriving more and more benefit 
from the benign i)olicy by which our domestic industries are pro- 
tected from competition with the cheap labor of other countries. A 
striking proof of the popularity of the protective policy of the repub- 
lican party is afforded by the fact that although no petitions have been 
received by this Congress asking for a change in the tariff' over one 
hundred thousand workingmen have petitioned for a revision of the 
existing tariff" laws by an increase of at least 10 per cent, of the exist- 
ing rates. 

One of the most essential requisites for keeping the manufacturing 
interests of a nation flourishing is that the tariff' laws should be sta- 
ble, for citizens will always hesitate to engage in new enterprises, or 
to employ labor freely in those already commenced as long as changes 
are threatened in the policy of the Government. It is just such an 
injury as this which the democratic party at the present session in- 
flicted upon the industrial interests of the country. The chairman 
of the Committee of Ways and Means announced early in the session 
that his committee would introduce a bill to reduce the tariff. The 
mere announcement of such an intention at once paralyzed many of 
the most important industrial interests of the nation, throw thou- 
sands of men out of employment, and added vastly to the already 
wide-spread suftering throughout the land. The history of the eff'orts 
of the chairman of that committee to force his ill-considered, unwise, 
and destructive bill through this House, and his inability to get it 
through with a good working party majority nominally at his back, 
should warn the country of how dangerous an experiment it is to 
give such a demoralized, unstable, and disorganized party the ascend- 
ency. So far as the action of the majority of this House upon great 
political question is concerned, it must impress the country with the 
idea that it is far from being a band of enlightened and trained states- 
men. 

Although the effort to pass that bill at this session has been de- 
feated, it will nevertheless be kept hanging over the country until 
next winter to paralyze our industries, which would likely otherwise 
flourish beyond precedent. It is but little short of criminal to make 
at any time sudden and radical changes in tariff laws, since by so 
doing many 1)ranches of industry nuist be iuevital)ly ruined. In just- 
ice to those who have invested their means in manufacturing, modi- 
fications of the tariff' should always be made slowly and after long 
notice. The democrats in this House have pursued the opposite 
course, and have thereby inflicted losses upon the business of the 



16 

country amounting to millions of dollars besides causing an incal- 
culable amount of suti'ering. 

ItEUELLION CAUSE OF OUR FINANCIAL TROUBLES. 

It has been the custom of democratic orators to attribute the crisis 
of 1873 and the hard times which followed that event to the contrac- 
tion policy of the republican party. Such a charge is unjust, illogi- 
cal, and false. Every intelligent man knows that the democratic re- 
bellion of 1861 was the prime cause of nearly all the social and finan- 
cial evils which have afflicted the country since that date. That re- 
bellion cost us not merely myriads of precious lives and vast treas- 
ures of money, but it left us with a great debt, our people demoral- 
ized by the corrupting influences inseparable from war, and with an 
inflated and depreciated currency. The republican leaders in that 
crisis were wise and patriotic statesmen. Believing that the best in- 
terests of the people would be promoted by a return to specie pay- 
ment, they did not hesitate to adopt that policy. After having been 
repeatedly sustained by the people at the polls the work has been 
virtually accomplished. The process has been a hard one and caused 
much suftering, but those are to blame for that who made inflation 
necessary, rather than those who pursued the only course by which 
the sound currency provided by the Constitution could be restored to 
the people. 

Many of the causes of the hard times which the country has expe- 
rienced within the last few years were, however, quite independent 
of contraction. One of these was overproduction. Many branches 
of industry were expanded much beyond the actual necessities of the 
country. Persons engaged in such kinds of employment found them- 
selves suddenly thrown out of work by the failure of the demand for 
the products of their industry which had been artificially pushed to 
an extent far exceeding the ])resent needs of the country. The prom- 
inent examples of this condition of affairs occurred in "the iron and 
coal regions. The sudden cessation in the demand for iron and coal 
caused by the failure of the speculative demand in 187:5 left concen- 
trated at the centers of those industries thousands of men for whose 
labor then no demand existed. 

A large portion of the iron and coal was speculative, and far more 
mines were opened than were needed to meet the immediate demands 
of the country, and when operations were necessarily suspended, the 
siir[tlns laborers had either to sufl'er from want or find employment 
in other branches of labor less crowded. The latter alternative was 
by no means easy, as they were often not familiar with any other 
sort of business, and even when they desired to seek other employ- 
ment they frerjuently lacked the means to do so. This condition of 
things was known to the democratic financiers in this House. Under 
such circumstances it was the obvious duty of Congress to so legis- 
late as to foster and revive our nianufacturing interests so as to in- 
crease the demand for iron and coal, thereby giving employment to 
these sufieriiig men. How has the democratic party met the demand 
of these laboring-men for relief ? Hy offering the Wood tarifi' bill, 
which, if adopted, would close still more factories and add thou- 
sands of additional recruits to the great army of the unemi)loyed. 

I refer to these facts to sh(»\v liow utterly iiuonipetent the demo- 
cratic party is to deal with the labor question, for it advocates a 
juilicy wliich if adojjted would only aggravate still further the evils 
from which the laboring-u)en are sutliring. If they wish relief they 
must in the future, as in the past, look to the party which removed 



17 

Me disgraceful badge of slavery from labor, which has given the 
lyjorer honest money, which has always upheld free schools, a free 
^ress, freedom of conscience, and all the cardinal principles of human 
M)erty. 

THE ARMY. 

1 do not deem it necessary to make any argument to this House as 
%i the expediency of maintaining an efficient regular army for na- 
^nal purposes. Such a policy is approved both by the practice and 
iiSe teachings of the most enlightened and distinguished statesmen 
S^9nl the earliest days of the Eejjublic down to the present time. In 
3ig40, for example, I'tind that the Army consisted of nearly thirteen 
'SSousand enlisted men. If we merely take into account the increase 
TSfhich has since taken place in om- population and territory, our 
Army, if proportionately increased, would contain about thirty thou- 
sand men. 

In times past, from the very foundation of the Government down, 
asany spirited debates on Army bills occurred in this House. Until the 
^fe'mocrats obtained a maj(n-ity in the last and in the present Congress 
ih.& discussions of this subject always breathed a spirit of admiration 
Sar and of gratitude to the gallant men and officers of the Army for 
1^6 bravery and self-devotion of their defense of the property, the 
JSberty, and the lives of the American jjeople upon many a well-fought 
lattle-tield. It was reserved for the democrats in the last and pres- 
flHit House to manifest, without disguise, a base, shameful, and malig- 
S3ut hatred of the Army, and to show a desire to turn out the war- 
ssarred veterans on the world to endure penury and want. The de- 
Mtes here at this session have abounded in evidences of the spiteful 
3atred of the democratic majority to our brave and noble Army, and 
1 eite as conclusive proof of the spirit by which that party is ani- 
jisated the following section from a bill reported by the chairman of 
Sle Committee on Military Alfairs. It is as follows: 

^c. 41. That all troops herein provided for, and all others authorized by exist- 
feg law, including all officers of every grade and in every department of the Army, 
a&all be retained in the service of the United States so long as Congress shall pro- 
■«aae for their support by specific appropriations for that jjiirpose at or before the 
eq[>iration of the last preceding fiscal year for which such appropriations have been 
aBomade. Such refusal or neglect shall be equivalent to an express act for the aboii- 
1fe>n of the military establishment, and the Army shall forthwith be disbanded. 

It is a humiliating and disgraceful thing that such a proposition 
as. this should have been made in the Americau Congress. It might 
M well styled a bill to render treason and rebellion easy and safe. 
Why this sudden hostility to the Army ? Why this great anxiety to 
«iipple it and to even totally disband it ? Experience and recent 
•wents in the history of our country can leave no doubt iu the mind 
«£ any intelligent and patriotic citizen as to the motives which in- 
a^Hted this action. When the democrats were preparing for the great 
jtbellion of 18(il they began their unholy work by crippling the 
Army and scattering the Navy to the most remote quarters of the 

It is a somewhat ominous circumstance that this intense hostility 
i»the Army has manifested itself sinmltaneously with the inaugura- 
■fem of the revolutionary movement by which the luajority are seek- 
ing to open up the question as to the presidential title. The record 
of the democratic party is so bad that no loyal citizen can witness 
their conduct in regard to the matter without the gravest apprehen- 
aaons as to their designs. The disbandment of the Army would cer- 
♦aiuly aid them in their schemes for Mexicauiziug this country. 

2 ST 



18 

But other reasons are not wanting for this democratic hostility to 
the Army. It is essential to the success of the shot-gun policy in the 
South that the danger should be removed of military interference 
witli that damnable scheme for maintaining democratic supremacy 
in that region. Uy intimidation and bloodshed a large body of true 
and loyjil citizens of the South have been practically disfranchised. 
In tlic name of democracy free speech has been silenced and liberty 
throttled in nearly every one of the States lately in rebellion. 

Tliis is a wrong which must be righted, and the American people 
will never rest contented until it is done. They will not permit the 
only class of citizens in that region who were loyal to the Union to 
be deprived of citizenship and threatened with" still greater evils. 
Bad as their condition is, there is danger that it may become still 
worse, for we find democratic papers in Mississippi like the Colum- 
bus Democrat and the Okalona States vehemently insisting n\nm the 
right of that State to restore slavery. These journals claim that the 
constitutional amendments were never legally adopted, and that con- 
sequently the colored race have no rights which white men are bound 
to respect. If these Bourbon leaders could have their own way, the 
colored citizens there would without doubt be soon reduced to a con- 
dition of serfdom, if not of slavery. In the light of what has already 
been accomplished in Mississippi, such a result does not seem improb- 
able. 

In 1872 the presidential vote stood — 

Grant, (republican) SI 91G 

Greeley, (democrat and independent) 47' 191 

Republican majority 34 7-25 

The shot-gun policy having been subsequently adopted, we find in 
1870 the following marvelous change: 

Tilden, (democrat) Ijo 173 

Hayes, (republican) 50' (J05 

Democratic majority 49 5(53 

In the light of what has thus been effected in Mississippi by in- 
timidation and violence, is it not rather ominous to find leading jour- 
nals ill a State where Jefi". Davs is admired as the noblest of statesmen 
and i)urest of patriots advocating the doctrine that the negroes are 
not legally free men? 

Is there no remedy for these wrongs? I hold that there is. I find 
iTi the Constitution of the United States the following provision, 
namely: 

The I'nitcd States shall uuarantco to every State in this Fnion a repnblican form 
of jroveruniciit, and shall protect each of them against iuvasioii : aixi on the appli- 
cation of the I.ei;islature, or of the executive, (when the Legislature cannot be con- 
veneil.) .igainst domestic violence. 

Wliat sort of a rei»iiblicau government do those States possess in 
whieii a majority of the citizens are practically disfranchised? The 
truth of the matter is that in a nnmberof the S(uithern States a con- 
dition of afVairs exists which calls for the interference of the General 
Oovernmeut to make good this constitutional guarantee, backed up 
if necessary by sutlicieiit military force to protect and enforce the 
rights of the humblest of the citizens of that region. I hold, sir, 
that tlie section of the Constitution wliich I have just read was in- 
tended for practical purposes, and that it should protect every citizen 
in the enjoyment of life, liberty, and property. I hold that there is 



19 

sucli a thing as American citizenship, and that no such outrages as 
the Chisholm massacre should be allowed to go unpunished by the 
National Government. For many years our citizens have beeu*^ sub- 
jected to such treatment in the Southern States as woukl be, as be- 
tween our country and foreign powers, a just cause for war. 

A military force is everywhere recognized as an essential arm of 
good government. Wise statesmanship dictates that that force should 
be sufficiently large to accomplish all the ends of good government. 
No one can deny that our country needs a considerable army, not only 
for defense against foreign foes and Indians, but for the suppression 
of domestic violence. Our territory is so extensive that an army of 
twenty-five thousand men is barely sufficient for the services required 
of it. Congress would be wanting in its duty should it fail to pass all 
the laws needed for the protection of American citizens in their con- 
stitutional rights and jirovide the means of effectually enforcing 
those laws. The amendment of the internal-revenue law adopted 
last Monday, prohibiting the transfer of suits against internal-rev- 
enue officers from State to Federal courts, takes from the General 
Government the power to administer its own laws within the States. 
When considered in connection with the action of the House the 
other day iu reducing the Army so that it must be powerless in the 
hands of the Federal Government to enforce law, it has to me a deep 
political significance. If there is to be but one national existence 
there can be but one sovereignty. An army in a republic like ours 
is but a subordinate agent of the civil power in maintaining law 
and order. Whenever, therefore, an occasion arises for a lawful use 
of the Army it should be used promptly and energetically, whether 
needed in the East or the West, the North or the South. Moreover, 
under such circumstances, an Executive is false to liberty and false 
to the ijrinciples of representative government, a fraud and a failure 
who fails to use the Army to enforce the laws for the protection of 
the rights and liberties of the humblest citizens. 

REVOLUTION. 

I cannot conclude these remarks, sir, without arraigning the dem- 
ocratic party for its recklessness in opening up the question of the 
presidential title. I do this not because I fear the result of a fair 
examination into that subject. Now that the investigation has been 
gone into, I only ask that all the facts be brought to light, not only 
in South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana, but in all the other South- 
ern States, as well as iu New York, Oregon, and in the city of Cin- 
cinnati. The more thorough and complete the investigations the more 
clearly will it appear to all the world that Hayes and Wheeler legally 
received a majority of electoral votes. I therefore deplore the agita- 
tion of this question only because it will retard the revival of busi- 
ness prosperity, and thereby inflict a great injury upon all classes of 
citizens and prolong still further the sufferings of the poor and the 
unemployed. I denounce the movement as revolutionary and wicked 
and as conceived in the same spirit which planned the rebellion of 
1861. The record of the majority of this House, which was already 
bad, has by this last act discredited the earlier history of the party 
it represents. 

The present session of the democratic House is now drawing to a 
close, and upon reviewing its work I am confident that the verdict 
of the people will be that it has been a failure. When it assembled 
prices fell and stagnation of business |began. It found thousands of 
workmen out of employment, and has jiursued such a course as to 



LibKHKY Uf- LUNL.Kti>i> 



20 



013 787 050 2 



add tlioiisiinds more to their miinhers. At a time when the business 
of tlie country ie(iuired peace and quiet, it paralyzed the industry of 
the nation by opening up the jiresidential question, thereby rendering 
all business enteriu'isos uncertain and unsafe. Partisanshij) rather 
than right has determined who should occujjy the contested seats on 
this lloor, and the young Commonwealth of Colorado, in particular, 
was grossly outraged by having her legally elected Ilepresentative 
ejected from this House. 

Finally, although no party controlling a majority of the popular 
branch of Congress ever had a better opportunity to win the grati- 
tude of Ihe people, never before has a party so utterly failed to come 
up to their just expectations. The entire course of the democratic 
majority of this House has been marked by incompetency, blunders, 
and failures. Taught by this bitter experience let us hope that the 
people will see to it that the next House is placed under the control 
of men liberal and progressive, men who will cherish the rights and 
liberties of the j)eople, foster free education, protect labor, maintain 
a sound system of tinance, aud so cultivate the arts of peace that we 
may have lasting prosperity. 



